This blog post, from June 2023 discusses a collection of Cold War-era propaganda materials at the Library of Congress’s Southeast Asian Rare Book Collection. It focuses on Thai anti-communist posters created by the United States Information Agency (USIA) between 1951-1969.
The article highlights the specific poster series titled “Communism or freedom?” which contrasts negative depictions of life under communism with idealized portrayals of life in “free” Thailand. The posters address various themes including:
Family separation vs. family unity
Indoctrination of children vs. proper education
Religious persecution vs. religious freedom
Restricted movement vs. freedom of travel
Forced labor vs. occupational choice
These materials were part of America’s broader Cold War strategy in Southeast Asia. Printed and produced in Manila, they were distributed in across Thailand. The collection represents tangible evidence of how the US used propaganda to influence public opinion in Thailand during a period of significant geopolitical tension.
A contrasting depiction of education under communism versus a free society, illustrating themes of indoctrination and proper education in this Cold War-era Thai propaganda poster.
U.S. Psychological Strategy in Thailand (1954) documents
Via the CIA FOIA digital library “U.S. Psychological Strategy with Respect to the Thai Peoples of Southeast Asia” was an important policy document that set out the sophisticated and multi-faceted approach America deployed to counter communist influence in Thailand. This top-secret plan, coded PSB D-23, positioned Thailand as the cornerstone of U.S. Cold War strategy in Southeast Asia, describing it as “politically and geographically the most suitable Thai ethnic base” for a substantial counter-effort against communism.
American strategists believed communist expansionism posed an imminent threat to Thailand that required immediate action. The document warned that without effective intervention, “Southeast Asia could fall to the communists without overt intervention by the Chinese Communist armed forces.” This assessment was heightened by the recent creation of a “Thai Autonomous Area” in China’s Yunnan Province, which U.S. officials interpreted as evidence of a coordinated communist strategy to manipulate and subvert ethnic Thai populations throughout the region.
The strategy employed multiple instruments of American influence. Economic aid emphasized projects in the vulnerable northeastern provinces bordering Laos. Information programs through USIS offices in Bangkok, Chiang Mai, and Songkla distributed anti-communist materials through press, exhibits, films, and radio. Military assistance included training indigenous guerrilla forces while coordinating with British and French efforts against communism elsewhere in the region. Education also featured prominently, with repeated calls for “obligatory educational courses” for U.S. personnel to give them cultural competence in Thai history, language, and customs. This concern for cultural sensitivity extended to personnel selection, with the document emphasizing the need for Americans who had “no sense of racial or color superiority” and could establish rapport with Thai counterparts.
The strategy framed the Thai as “gentle and light-minded,” with Buddhism tempering their “warlike spirit,” yet also acknowledged their fierce independence and ability to “accept hardship and even death when they feel impelled to do so.” These cultural insights were leveraged to design psychological operations tailored specifically to Thai sensibilities and cultural values.
By integrating military, economic, psychological, and cultural elements into a unified approach, this document exemplifies how American Cold War planning in Thailand anticipated many concepts of “whole-of-government” operations that would later become standard in counterinsurgency doctrines. The emphasis on education, propaganda, and psychological operations also helps explain the extensive U.S. investment in Thai schools and information programs during this period.
A separate declassified 1954 CIA document provides an update on delivery of the strategy, coordinated by Ambassador William Donovan (1953-54). It shows how he had established deep connections with Thai officials at all governmental levels with a goal of “increasing Thailand’s stability and making its frontiers more defensible” against communist expansion.
What makes this document particularly revealing is how it illustrates the integration of various forms of American influence. The State Department focused on diplomatic pressure to combat “communist subversion,” while the Defense Department strengthened military ties through training programs and potential jet aircraft transfers. Meanwhile, the newly created United States Information Agency poured resources into northeastern Thailand—the region most vulnerable to communist infiltration—establishing regional offices and distributing media that portrayed communism as a threat to Thai family values, religion, and freedom.
Payut Ngaokrachang was a Thai cartoonist who worked for most of his career with the United States Information Service (USIS). He was originally from a rural background, born in Wako, in the province of Prachuap Khiri Khan. In 1955 Payut created his first animated short film, Haed Mahasajan[The Miracle Incident] in which a traffic policeman causes a pile up due to some questionable dancing on the job. According to Jonathan Clements, Payut was subsequently spotted by USIS who awarded him roughly $400 and the opportunity to spend 6 months either at the Walt Disney Studios in California or Toei in Japan. He chose the later, meaning he was in many ways there at the very start of the Japanese anime industry. His time there resulted in his first (and as it happens last) propaganda film, completed in 1957.
Hanuman in Danger
Hanuman Phachoen Phai [Hanuman in danger], takes its principal character from the Ramayana, a classic Hindu epic that is also the basis for the classic Thai text the Ramakien. Hanuman, who is the God-King of the apes, was one of major characters who fought with Rama [Phra Ram] against the Devil King Ravana [Totsapak], and is therefore highly revered. In the propaganda film, Hanuman is depicted with a white face, and is based in the countryside. The film starts with him at home as his sons watch the television. They are focused on a dancing competition, commenting on the prettiness of female dancer. Then the screen morphs, and her partner changes from a handsome young man into a brutal looking dictator, who begins to spout what is supposed to be Communist ideology. He instructs the audience that they no longer need to respect their mothers, fathers, religion or King Rama [Phra Ram].
At this point Hanuman springs into action, explaining to his sons that they are now at war, and need to train with weapons. At the beginning of the training, his sons claim that he is old, and unable to fight. Yet, Hanuman scoffs at the claim, springing into action and single-handedly chopping down a line of trees. Apparently, Hanuman (who in the Ramayana had chosen to reside on earth in order to make sure that Rama’s name continued to be venerated), had been woken from his slumber.
One point of interest here is that one of his sons is clearly a boy scout. The scouts had been set up during the early twentieth century by King Vajiravudh, making Thailand only the third country in the world to have a scout movement. While it would be later – in the 1970s – that the scouts became more firmly recruited into the struggle with the Communists, we can still see that the Scout uniform is at this time associated with being morally virtuous, and patriotic.
While they are training to use machine guns, one of the sons is caught eating chocolate, which suggests he has travelled to the city. This in itself is interesting, the city being considered the site of all things good. Of interesting products unavailable anywhere else. When he finally arrives at the city he notes all of the wonderful food stuffs, including fruit and vegetables that presumably came from the rural, but are freely available. Note too, that this is a depiction of the city when all is calm.
He then proceeds to tell Hanuman what else he saw.
When he first arrives in the city he is impressed at how good life appears to be. We are introduced to the city by seeing modern buildings with a flag fluttering over them. On the flag is a depiction of Rama, indicating, apparently, things are as they should be.
However, Hanuman then explains how he witnessed strange goings on. In the cartoon we see a gaggle of monkeys discussing their plans, just out of sight from a policeman.
We are then shown a scene where a speaker is speaking passionately to the crowd for the need for a revolution. The crowd however seem confused, unclear what he means. Note the depiction of the crowd therefore as innocent, but also potentially naive.
Nevertheless, before long a fight ensues and a group of similar monkeys – all dressed in suits – charge on the palace.
Finally, they hoist a Soviet Flag over the palace.
One of the first consequences of the revolution is that worshipping Rama is prohibited…
…and the demon Ravana has apparently returned to earth, and is in charge.
Finally, the communists are subdued and Hanuman celebrates. Crys from the crowd include ‘Chaiyo‘, celebrating the victory of the nation.
The cartoon is a fascinating insight into how emergent anti-communist rhetoric in Thailand was fusing itself to classic Thai cultural tropes of good and bad.
USIS propaganda and Thai culture
Payut’s choice of the Ramayana to explore the themes of communism, and modernity set the cartoon firmly within a Thai cultural milieu in which Buddhist and Hindu epics were frequently adapted to express contemporary political reality. Since its introduction from India, the Ramayana has been adapted to reflect distinctively Thai values, with monarchs deliberately modeling themselves after the righteous and exemplary character of Rama.
More recently, Thai kings took the royal title “Rama” as part of their formal names, explicitly associating themselves with the epic’s divine hero who embodied dharmic governance, self-sacrifice, and moral authority. Palace walls, temples, and royal ceremonies are adorned with Ramakien imagery, functioning as constant visual reminders of ideal leadership qualities and the epic has provided legitimizing power to Thailand’s rulers, who used its narratives to demonstrate their commitment to protecting the kingdom from chaos—represented by Ravana—while establishing themselves as preservers of cosmic order and moral righteousness.
This framework positioned Thai kings as divine protectors whose duty was to embody the virtues displayed by Rama: wisdom, restraint, compassion, and unwavering dedication to dharma. All Payut is doing therefore, is updating this for a modern audience, locating the cold war within a Thai moral universe. These themes were later further exploited by Payut in his posters for USIS.
Communism or Freedom
In 1958 there was a military coup in which Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat installed a regime that relied heavily on anti-communist propaganda. Rather than stock US themes of ‘freedom’, ‘prosperity’ and ‘democracy’, the new government focused heavily on the threat posed by communism to Thailand’s traditional values and Buddhist identity. Government messaging tended to depict communists as godless foreigners seeking to destroy the three pillars of Thai identity: nation, religion, and monarchy. Propaganda materials produced by Payut contrasted images of prosperous, family-oriented Thai farmers and merchants under capitalism against depictions of impoverished, collectivized workers ruled by distant bureaucrats under communism.
Specifically, the Thai state strategically elevated the monarchy as a powerful symbol of national identity and cultural continuity. King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX) became the centerpiece of this effort, with the government actively promoting royal development projects, rural visits, and traditional ceremonies that emphasized Thai Buddhist values and hierarchical social structures. The monarchy was positioned as the embodiment of “Thainess” (khwam pen thai) through carefully orchestrated public appearances, state media, educational materials, and national rituals that connected modern Thailand to its historical roots.
This royal-nationalist narrative helped legitimize Thailand’s military-bureaucratic elite while presenting an alternative development path to communism – one that promised modernization without abandoning traditional values, with the king serving as both a symbol of traditional authority and a forward-thinking leader guiding Thailand’s development during the turbulent geopolitical context of Southeast Asia.
In 1965, a book of posters, created by Payut was published by USIS and the Thai Public Relations Department. In the front of the book, the Director General Kris Punnakant explained, that the purpose for producing the book was ‘to show the difference between life within the freeworld under democracy’ – especially the lives of Thais – and the lives of those living under communism.’ ‘Everyone should be to see’, he went on, ‘that the communist threat is endangering the peace and identity of the Thai people. The tactics used by the communists to achieve their goals produce propaganda that encourages people to admire and favour the communist ideology and communist way of life. The Public Relations department hopes that this book will show the true face of communism, which clearly contrasts with the attitudes and way of life of the Thai people, as differrent as black and white, darkness and light.’
The Thai text reads: ‘Communism is an enemy of the governing system with the King as Head of State, and it forcefully presses citizens to strictly follow the orders of their leaders’
The Thai reads: In our country, the King is the cherished spirit of the Thai people.
The Thai reads: ‘Communists are the enemy of religion, and they aim to destroy Buddhism and the Sangha until they are eliminated’
The Thai reads: Religion is the foundation of the Thai people’s existence.
Again, the Buddhist themes were very much in line with the Thai state’s overall approach, which included establishing programs like the Thammacarik Project that dispatched monks to remote hill tribe areas to conduct Buddhist missionary work while simultaneously gathering intelligence and promoting Thai nationalism. The government also created the Thammathut (“Dhamma Ambassadors”) program in the 1960s, sending monks into communist-vulnerable northeastern provinces to strengthen villagers’ Buddhist faith and loyalty to the Thai state. The Border Patrol Police, meanwhile, implemented the Mobile Development Unit program, which incorporated religious activities alongside civic action. Additionally, state agencies sponsored temple construction in strategic border regions and developed specialized Buddhist curricula that emphasized anti-communist teachings. This religious-political alliance was particularly effective because it tapped into deeply held cultural values, allowing the government to portray their anti-communist struggle not merely as political but as a defense of Thailand’s spiritual and cultural essence against foreign ideological corruption.
The Thai reads: Communists force the people to work hard like slaves.
The Thai reads: The Thai people have freedom to chose the work or to learn a living according to their desires and the necessity of each person.
Here we can see not only a version of Thailand that may appeal to rural Thais, but also a vision of rural Thailand that very much fit with urban Thai perceptions in which the Thai village was cast as an “authentic” repository of Thai identity. Rural Thais were portrayed as inherently peaceful, happy people with “psychic security” living in harmony with nature, despite their poverty. This also, however, meant that rural Thailand was portrayed as vulnerable to communist influence.
The Thai reads: In Communist countries officials do not let the people travel freely according to their wishes.
The Thai reads: In our country anybody who wants to go anywhere don’t have any restrictions.
The Thai reads: Anyone who does not support the Communist Party is arrested and sent to a ‘short court’ for processing [short court referring to an extrajudicial or informal court where justice is determined outside of an official legal system].
The Thai reads: In Thailand the accused will be brought to court through a fair justice system and the law will consider a person innocent until proven guilty through complete evidence.
That Thai reads: The Communists create trouble and disturbances with neighbouring countries, with the aim of expanding their power to dominate the entire world.
We respect our neighbours and have no intention to be aggressive toward anyone.
Friendship and development
Between the 1950s and 1970s, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and other American organizations funded dozens of school construction projects across Thailand, especially in the northeastern region where communist influence from neighboring countries was most concerning to American strategists. These educational initiatives served dual purposes: they addressed genuine development needs while simultaneously functioning as soft power instruments to counter Soviet and Chinese influence. American-funded schools often incorporated Western educational models and English language instruction, creating cultural connections that helped cement Thailand’s position as a staunch US ally. The school building programs represented a key component of America’s containment strategy, working alongside military aid and economic development packages to create a bulwark against communist expansion in Southeast Asia, ultimately helping Thailand remain firmly in the Western sphere of influence throughout the Cold War period.
The Thai reads: ‘Friendship’ is the Thai-American education foundation that helps build schools across the country.
This post draws specifically from Shane Strate’s recently published book ‘The Lost Territories: Thailand’s History of National Humiliation’. The text provides a detailed account of one of the primary myths of Thai nationalist history; the loss of territory to French colonialists in the late 19th century. The book focuses largely on the 1930s and 1940s and explores how this event was integrated into the formation of a Thai national consciousness. It is therefore directly relevant to this course, and vital to answering an essay on Thai nationalist propaganda under Field Marshal Phibun Songkhram.
The key event here is the Franco-Siamese crisis of 1893, a military confrontation between Siam and the French that resulted in French consolidation over areas in present day Cambodia and Laos, as well as increased influence in Siam itself. What is particularly useful, however, is how Strate identifies that the Historic event is reinterpreted so it might become useful to the Thai government. Thus, he argues that after the event itself, the princes who ran the country supressed discussion of the incident because it risked damaging royal prestige. However, following the military coup of 1932, Siam’s nationalist leaders brought it back as a central tenet of Thai identity, as Strate explains:
Siam’s new rulers, the People’s Party, adopted a much different approach to the loss and began linking it with the perception that the country’s level of development still lagged far behind the West. Like their royal predecessors, the new elite were acutely sensitive to Siam’s inferior status within the world community, which they had used as justification for overthrowing the monarchy. At the same time, the military clique understood that the economic depression of the 1930s had significantly weakened the Western imperialist apparatus, providing an ideal opportunity to address the remaining inequalities in trade agreements with Europe. The gradual atrophy of France’s military muscle also allowed the Thai government to begin publicly criticizing the French and actively cultivating public resentment over France’s mistreatment of Siam. This new attitude represented an important shift in Thai historiography. Royal-Nationalists interpreted the Franco-Siamese Crisis as a victory for Siam by emphasising the king’s brilliant strategy of sacrificing a finger to save a hand. The irredentists among the military elite, however, viewed the crisis of 1893 as the low point in the country’s history.
Shane Strate, The Lost Territories: Thailand’s History of National Humiliation, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2015, p. 42-43
This statement raises some interesting points and potential themes for essays and projects about Thai nationalist propaganda during the late 1930s. In what other ways, for example, did the Thai government reinterpret the past to secure their power, and what are the underlying propaganda objectives of such an activity? More generally, it is possible to see many other potential projects emerging from such questions. Why, for example, are historical narratives so crucial to the creation of contemporary identities in the mid-twentieth century, both in Thailand and across Southeast Asia. Also, how does the need to create relevance to a national population distort past events? Finally, why is it that the creation of a national history inevitably has to either dismantle, or reconcile, existing class structures?
Throughout the late 1930s the Thai state fought a broad propaganda campaign, intended to transform the everyday life of the population. They did this to instil a sense of commitment to the nation, and a set of practices that could be associated with Thai citizenship. In this session we will be looking at how food was used to promote government ideology. But we also need to think about the policies that the propaganda was intending to secure. This post provides a number of short pieces of text in translation that we will use in class.
The following extracts are from a regular section in the magazine Supharp Satri named ‘Mothers Kitchen’.
Note: I have translated Supharp Satri as Cultured Woman, but it could also be translated as ‘Lady’. The literal translation is ‘Polite Lady’. There was also a magazine called Supharp Barut [Gentleman].
Human beings eat to live, and live to be the energy of the nation. The energy of the nation can therefore be secured by living well and eating well. The food that we create in the pages of ‘Mothers Kitchen’, beyond being delicious, is also of a quality that will improve the diet of those that eat it and illustrates the proper way to eat well!
Cultured Women Magazine, Bangkok: 2 May 1943, p. 20.
Food is one of the most important things for children, which is why it is necessary for our leaders must place great importance on it. They must do so to ensure that our children “eat well” and “live well”. In this way our children will grow up to be intelligent and strong and be the energy of the country.
Cultured Woman Magazine, Bangkok: 7 February 1943, p. 19
The cartoon below is from the magazine Sang ton eng or ‘Do it Yourself’. This magazine title shared the name of a government company which formed part of a cooperative movement.
On a recent trip to Thailand I came across a manual for US Servicemen based in Thailand during the Cold War. The manual provides a series of worksheets and lessons intended to orientate Americans with how they should behave in the country. As a result it provides a wonderful insight into how the US Army sought to shape the relationship between Thais and Americans. It helps to identify what American officials felt was most important in winning Thai hearts and minds. Crucially, it also identifies what should be considered less important.
In the preface to the manual, Brigadier General David E. Ott explains that the US is engaged in a ‘worldwide struggle against all aggressive ideologies that oppress men and attempt to degrade the worth of the individual.’ The educational materials, he explains are designed to support a commitment to these goals ‘in the routine of our daily lives’, helping clarify ‘our beliefs and what they mean in action.’ As he explains:
There is no doubt that the interests of freedom and humanity are best served in Thailand by improving the nature of our individual contacts with the Thais who work with us, live near us, or merely see us on the streets. When we leave, each of us should be able to feel that through his personal efforts and interest he has contributed to improving the mutual respect and friendship between Thailand and the United States.
The stakes in this war of ideas, the manual contended, was that if the US was to loose, the Cold War itself might be lost:
If you are interested in thinking more about this topic, the full manual is in my office.
Reference: Robert L. Humphrey and Associates, Fight the War of Ideas: Thai-American Person-to-Person Relations Discussion Materials, Maryland: American Institutes for Research, January 1970.
In the years before Japan occupied Southeast Asia (1941-42) the country was already promoting its activities through. While the region remained under Western colonial domination through the 1920s, Japan’s newly industrialised economy combined with it good relations with colonial powers, to mean that Japanese exports rose sharply.
Conditions shifted during the 1930s when, amidst a global economic slowdown, in which protecting national interests once again became the priority. For Japan, the Manchurian crisis, in many respects a product of the new protectionist climate, compounded the problem. Increasingly, Japanese officials developed a view of the world that emphasised opposition toward Western influence in Asia.
Thailand is an important part of this picture because it was the only country in Southeast Asia not to have been colonised. The images here are from a Thai language magazine that published Japanese propaganda called Khao Phap. Distributed following the Japanese conquest of part of China (1937-38), but before the final occupation of Asia, they are interesting because they show a clear indication of Japanese interest in winning Southeast Asian hearts and minds. They also identify a number of the key themes with which they sought to do this. Many of these themes would become increasingly prevalent following the occupation itself.
The images are clearly not intended only for Thailand alone, but for all Asian populations, and possibly for the Japanese also. They seek to present a coherent message about the role of Japan in Asia, and present the Japanese occupation of large swathes of China in a positive manner.
Image 1: ‘Japanese Soldiers, in their time off, take the opportunity to go for a walk with some Chinese Children.’
Toward the end of the nineteenth century, a new consensus began to emerge around the idea of the nation as the primary way of recognising political communities. For all of Asia, the idea of the nation was nevertheless inherently contradictory. For those countries that were colonised, ideas of the nation served to assert the subservient status of local populations to the colonial occupier. For those countries that were not colonised, establishing a nation state remained a complex and highly problematic endeavour. Nations had to be ‘bound’ – meaning they had to have a specific geography. At the same time, the people of the nation had to be clearly defined so that they might be taxed appropriately. Over time, this required the creation of new forms of governance. A bureaucracy needed to be established that could administer the new state, and education needed to be provided to help populate that bureaucracy. All of these processes are important in helping to understand what it means to build a nation.
However, from the start of the twentieth century, these administrative processes were increasingly combined with questions about the status both of the nation and the people in relation to the state. In the west we can see struggles for representation, including the women’s suffrage movement, as part of these developments. Elsewhere, however, these discussions often raised important questions about the role of existing hierarchies and new class formations. In the colonies it saw the birth of independence movements and in other places, it saw the development of revolutionary forces. While those in power often sought to maintain strict social hierarchies, they were also increasingly forced to win the hearts and minds of their people, and it is for that reason that songs became important.
So with that in mind, listen to this song which was written during the reign of King Chulalongkorn (1868-1910) and remained the national anthem right up to the 1930s:
The song raises important questions about what citizenship meant in the early stages of the Thai nation. In order to fully appreciate the meaning, and the potential impact, it is worth considering the social, cultural and historical context in which it was written. This should also help when considering the rationale of those who in 1932 sought to realign the relationship with the monarchy, following the revolution that installed a constitutional government. Below is a useful article to help consider the role of the national anthem in a Thai context.
This is the first blog post of a number that are inspired by a recent edition of Thammasat Archives Bulletin which focuses on Thailand’s experience during the Second World War and which includes an article on Japanese propaganda in Thailand following the Japanese invasion of Thailand and subsequent alliance. The article, by Puli Fuwongcharoen, draws upon Barak Kushner’s book (on the course reading list, and available in the Hugh Owen library), The thought war: Japanese imperial propaganda, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006.
Thammasat Archives Bulletin, Volume 19, June 2015-May 2016
The article by Aj. Puli includes a number of illustrations distributed in Thailand during the war, and available to view at the National Archives of Thailand. According to Puli, the principal themes of this propaganda are twofold. The first is that Japan is a country Thailand can trust; ‘a genuine friend’ that wants to work together with the Thais to fight the war against Britain and America. Second, that Britain has opposing interests to the Japanese when dealing with Thailand. It is clear from many of the images that the British cannot be trusted and, whatever they might say, have no genuine interest in the well-being of the Thai people. Simple, and direct, the images therefore call for Thai-Japanese solidarity.
But, are the precise ways in which the propaganda seeks to discredit the British? Underlying the images are a number of specific characteristics which are both revealing and worthy of further thought.
A capitalist critique?
One of the possible reasons for the focus on Britain is an underlying message about modernity and development, underpinned by a more fundamental critique of colonialism, and the British-style of capitalism. In the image displayed above, the Thai and Japanese are shown as equals; equal in size, stature, weaponry. They are only dressed slightly differently. The caricature of Winston Churchill depicts him as a bafoon, with a bloody bottom, striped socks and a Union Jack satchel. He is big, but not in a good way, and he is fleeing. The text calls for Thai-Japanese solidarity, but it also calls for Thais to not fear Japanese intentions. The Japanese, it makes clear, ‘want the Thai to progress properly forever.’
The emphasis on progress is important, and reveals a clear intention to play on Thai sensibilities about the status of their country in the international system. While Thailand is regarded as a country that was not colonised, this focus on British intentions identifies how Japanese propagandists felt that anti-imperial messages would hold an appeal in the country. Indeed, these particular posters are almost certainly taken from stock images produced for propaganda across the whole of Southeast Asia, and which had been altered only slightly in order to create relevance amongst a local Thai audience
So why might such a focus on Britain be effective (if indeed it was!), beyond the very simple fact that Britain was the enemy? The answer has to incorporate a more nuanced understanding of the attitude of Thai communities toward European imperialism and Britain in particular. It has to recognise that while Thai leaders remained in situ during the colonial period, there were many ways in which these leaders had to deal with Thailand’s integration into the world economy as a peripheral player. In particular, it has to recognise the priorities of Thai political leaders in the late 1930s in securing their own authority in the country. It also has to consider the whether or not ordinary Thai communities might have been receptive to these messages.
Welcome to this blog on Southeast Asian Propaganda. The purpose of the blog is to collate resources and possible research topics for students of modern Southeast Asian History. It began life as a blog to support Aberystwyth University where I was a lecturer between 2013 and 2020.
Propaganda in Southeast Asian History
Southeast Asia sits at the cross-roads of Asia, and has throughout the twentieth century been considered a vital strategic location globally. This has meant that foreign powers have continuously worked with and fought against national leaders for hegemony and legitimacy.
Why Propaganda?
Propaganda is an ideal way to gain a sophisticated insight into the historical development of nations in Southeast Asia, regardless of whether you have studied the region’s history in the past. This is largely due to the nature of propaganda itself. Invariably, propaganda seeks to present simplistic narratives intent upon uniting a particular population. By reading this message we can understand something about the group that is creating it. If it is a state actor, for example, we can learn about how the state is trying to capture the imaginations of the population, and why they might want to do this. We can also, however, consider how effective that message might be. While propaganda is generally created to manipulate a group of people, it must nevertheless also appeal if it is to be effective. So, propaganda can also inform us about the priorities of the society from which it comes.
Thai Propaganda from the Second World War
It is also important to recognise that modern propaganda has a history of its own. While political leaders and stake holders have always sought to alter perceptions to bolster their own legitimacy, it is not until the late nineteenth century that the leaders of nation states started to fully mobilise new technologies, and scientific approaches to mobilise a mass psychology. The fact that Southeast Asian states emerge through the late nineteenth and early twentieth century therefore needs to be understood in relation to these developing technologies.
Some interesting places to start thinking about what makes propaganda in the twentieth century a specifically modern phenomenon are as follows:
propagandainsoutheastasia 
